Hampshire chronicle dating
Ceawlin also defeated Aethelberht of Kent at a place called Wibbandun in 568.
Having extended the power of Wessex north of the Thames, Ceawlin was expelled in 592 by his nephew Ceol, who reigned for five years.
Though the Chronicle implies that this area was in British hands in 571, when Cuthwulf (perhaps a member of the West Saxon royal house) captured Luton, Aylesbury, Bensington (now Benson, in Oxfordshire), and Eynsham, archaeological evidence proves earlier settlement.
A victory won by a successor, Ceawlin (who reigned 560–592 and is mentioned by Venerable Bede as the second English king to hold an imperium in Britain), at Dyrham, Gloucestershire, in 577, which led to the capture of Bath, Cirencester, and Gloucester, and Ceawlin’s battle at a place called Fethanleag, probably in North Oxfordshire, in 584, are also recorded. They could not be dated because the northern troubles were perennial. These tables may not have begun to attract interest in the Insular churches until after the Council of Orléans in 541, when they were officially adopted in Gaul; cf. the chapter heading: ‘Ut inuitata Britanniam gens Anglorum primo quidem aduersarios longius eiecerit, sed non multo post iuncto cum his foedere in socios arma uerterit’). dating in the For example, it could already have been inserted in the imperial list that he used as his framework. It is often wrongly argued that the Marcian synchronism was pre-Bedan (and perhaps Kentish, though there is no sign of the addition of Kentish material in the , ed. Bede may have guessed either that Germanus and Lupus arrived some years after the outbreak of the heresy or that they stayed some years in Britain (or both); either way they could have been there 1.15 he expands this: ‘Turn subito inito ad tempus foedere cum Pictis, quos longius iam bellando pepulerant, in socios arma uertere incipiunt’ (cf. Stevenson and Stenton seem to have had little feel for this process (cf. 40), perhaps because the connection between extant Old English poetry (which is mostly set on the continent) and the English landscape is relatively slight (cf. Coincidences do after all occur – what is the probability of the present writer having been born 1500 years after 449 (as is the case)? Kemble seems to have had in mind especially the commonplaces of origin legends (the three ships, the divine ancestor, etc.), but even more important is the tendency for fiction to gather round places and place-names. Bede placed them after the sack of Rome in 410 (see below), but Gildas evinces no knowledge of that event, nor of any ‘Honorian Rescript’ (cf. 17)., Abhandlungen der Preus-sischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 1937, Phil.-hist. This is surely a deduction from and allusion to the ‘bellum Saxonum Pictorumque adversus Brittones eo tempore iunctis viribus susceptum’ which Bede took from Constantius ( 11, 81), places in the consular year preceding Aëtius' third consulship. 1, 480.) Bede must have known that Aëtius' third consulship was in 446 from Marcellinus' indiction, from Prosper's 11, 31.